Testimony of Jeju 4‧3

Lee Han-jin, a bereaved family member of Jeju 4‧3 victim

Can ‘compensation’ truly atone for years during which the victim was condemned?

Lee Han-jin (born in 1936 in Hwabuk, Jeju, now living in New York, United States)

On Oct. 6, 2023, the 2^nd Global Jejuin Festival was held for the first time in four years. Lee Han-jin, president of the Jejudo Association of America, participated in the event and visited Jeju with 20 members from New York. After social activities, Lee and his wife visited the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park. In the park’s Tombstone Park for the Missing, Lee kneeled in front of the marker stone of his two missing brothers and read the verdict that states his siblings were found not guilty after the retrial. As Mr. Lee cried,. the burden that weighed upon him for his entire life was lifted.

As an interviewer and an interviewee, we sat at the conference table on the 4^th floor of the Jeju 4‧3 Peace Memorial. We sat face-to-face, with the Jeju 4·3 Incident Investigation Report open on the table between us. For a while, Lee stared at a photo of people taken on May 10, 1948 — the 5·10 General Election. He is about to tell us about his life when he is too afraid to even say “There may be a chance I was taken in this picture.”

Interview arranged by Cho Jeong-hee, head of the General Affairs Team, Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation

Photo by Editing Office

 My mother became the head of the household

I am from Beollangdong, Hwabuk-ri. It was the finest village in Hwabuk. My father died before Jeju 4·3. When the incident occurred, there was my mother, me, and my five siblings: my eldest brother, my second older brother, my eldest sister, my second older sister, and my younger sister. We operated commercial ships as a family business for generations. My grandfather and father controlled the business, constantly traveling back and forth between mainland Korea and Jeju on huge ships, so we were well-off. But that was before my father died at sea in an accident. My eldest brother was in Japan, and my second older brother was in Manchuria. My eldest sister was in Seongnae with her husband. My younger sister and I were too young. So, my mother was responsible for the livelihood of the household. My second older sister helped us occasionally, if you can call that luck.

Two brothers, back from Japan and Manchuria

My older brother also worked on a commercial vessel in Japan. I heard he was on a large ship that traveled from Hokkaido to south Shimonoseki. I can only presume that the ship carried coal, and that’s because many Koreans were forced to labor in coal mines in Hokkaido.

After liberation, my older brother moved to Jeju with his wife and children. The ship he was on when he returned to Jeju transported his household stuff and a large amount of rice. Unfortunately, the ship encountered a violent storm in the Korean Strait. The waves were so huge that they nearly engulfed the ship, and the rice bags were soaked. When we cooked, the soaked rice was inedible. We washed it several times, but the salty taste never got better. So, we used the rice to brew alcohol. What a waste! My second older brother also came back from Manchuria after a while.

 I saw the liberation of Korea as a second-grade student at Hwabuk Elementary School

Since my grandfather had also taught at Seodang, a traditional Korean school in the local village, I learned the Thousand-Character Classic at a young age, and I entered school a little earlier than my peers. I did not know that then, but later I found out that my friends in class were one or two years older than me. My second older sister carried me on her back when I took the entrance exam. She told me,

“Han-jin, when the teacher draws a pencil and a cup and asks you in Japanese, ‘Korewa nandesuka [これは 何ですか。, meaning what are they]?’ You say, ‘Arewa enpitsudesu [あれは 鉛筆です。, meaning that is a pencil],’ and ‘Korewa koppudesu [これはカップです。, meaning this is a cup]’ Okay?”

The following year, I was in the second grade. On Aug. 15, I witnessed the liberation of Korea. Some say it was a sudden gift from the heavens, but I do not recall anyone crying hurrah out in the streets. I discerned Korea’s liberation when an incident occurred in Gwandeokjeong two years later.

 +++ The only picture of Lee Han-seong, Han-jin’s second older brother. Based on this picture, Lee Han-jin believes that his brother studied in Manchuria.

‘Who would pay for the Western-style cakes!’

On March 1, 1947, village folks were excited about a ceremony and its preparation.

The young adults, children, women, and seniors were all happy because the ceremony presented the first time they could celebrate the liberation of Korea.

“Let us crush the pro-Japanese traitors!”

“No to the trusteeship!”

“Who would pay for the Western-style cakes!”

People used bamboo trees to hang wooden placards of slogans. I was too young to know the meaning of “pro-Japanese traitors.” All I cared about was the candies that I got from school. During the Japanese occupation, my school gave students rice cakes. At that time, no one ever said, “Say no to rice cakes!” Why are we saying “No to candies?” Unlike me, who was naïve, my second older brother and the young folk of the village knew that the Western-style snacks would become a debt that we eventually would have to pay back!

We tied our headbands, held national flags, and went to Gwandeokjeong. Anyone who could walk went out. The plaza of Gwandeokjeong was packed with people, and my heart was about to explode from the excitement.

+++ Mr. and Mrs. Lee shed tears in front of the monument for lost family members at Jeju 4·3 Peace Park on Oct. 10, 2023.

Learning the national anthem of Korea

Our home was spacious. We moved a pile of neatly organized grain from the yard and laid straw mats for people to sit on. My second older brother would gather the village’s young people and teach them the national anthem.

“Until that day when the waters of the East Sea run dry and Mt. Baekdu is worn away, God protect and preserve our nation; Hurray to Korea.”

I was excited to join in and sing along. It was voluntary and a good thing to do, giving up our space to teach the national anthem and Korean language to the young. How can someone call this rebellious? How can one frame sharing joy and happiness as a communist activity? This is why I say that Jeju 4·3 did not begin from the incident in Gwandeokjeong on March 1, 1947, but from the liberation of Korea on Aug. 15, 1945.

 

+++ A prisoner register of Lee Han-seong, Han-jin’s second older brother (sentenced to death on June 28, 1949). The late Lee Han-seong was executed and secretly buried on Oct. 2, 1949, in Jeongtteureu Airfield (now Jeju International Airport). He was found not guilty in a retrial on Sep. 26, 2023 (top).

+++ A prisoner register of Lee Han-bing, Han-jin’s older brother (sentenced to 15 years in Daegu Prison on July 2, 1949). The late Lee Han-bin was found not guilty in a retrial requested by the bereaved on March 16, 2021.(bottom)

My second older brother survived being gunned down

On May 10, 1947, election day, we climbed Bong-a oreum in Bonggae-ri. My mother, older brothers, their families, and the villagers went together. It was after the election that trouble came to the village. Policemen in plain clothes with clubs were seen. We found out later that they were Northwest Youth League members. When adults started calling policemen in black suits black dogs and soldiers yellow dogs, children began standing guard at the mouth of the village. When the Northwest Youth League began blindly arresting people, the entire town tried to stop them. My older brothers were taken, and I did not know where they had gone.

On a cold, winter morning, I was at home having breakfast with my mother, my second older sister, and my little sister.

“Ma’am!”

A village woman called my mother, so we opened the door. She told us:

“Ma’am! Hurry up. Your son got shot and is in my house.”

My second older brother had survived an execution attempt by the shore and hid in a nearby house. We called one of our relatives who worked as a nurse at a hospital to treat my brother. Luckily, the bullet missed his major intestines, and the wound healed quickly. But this secret of his survival did not last long.

“Tell me where Lee Han-seong is!”

My second older brother, who was supposed to have died in that mass execution, now became prey of the Northwest Youth League.

 

+++ Lee Han-bin’s prisoner records at Daegu Prison in 1949 (left) and Busan Prison in 1950. It was found that the late Lee Han-bin had been transferred from Daegu Prison to Busan Prison on Jan. 20, 1950. There were no further records indicating his transfer to another prison, which suggests that he was killed in Busan.

Ten sets of suits and ten pairs of shoes

The fortunate survival of my second older brother was the beginning of our family’s misfortune. With the Northwest Youth League constantly searching for my second older brother, we had to leave our home. We toured Bonggae, Doryeon, and Maenchon [now Doryeon 2-dong] daily. One day, my mother, exhausted from the runaway life, bought enough clothes for 10 sets of suits and 10 pairs of shoes. She donated them to the police substation in Samyang. For several days, things were quiet, but a second wave of troubles came.

This time, we had pledge our farm to stop the pursuit. Then the third wave came, and we had no money or farm to give up anymore. When they knew we were broke, they burned down our house. We were taking refuge in the fields as usual and came back only to find that only our house in the village was gone. We couldn’t salvage clothes, let alone a grain of rice.

 The deaths of my mother and second older sister

We had to move to my grandmother’s place. There, the Northwest Youth League kept nagging us to find my second older brother. My mother and my second older sister were taken to the Samyang substation every morning and were sent back at night.

“Are you family of Lee Han-seong?”

That morning, a blizzard hit. My mother, who always prepared breakfast for my little sister and me, and my second older sister never returned the night before. That was the last I saw them. My mother’s body was brought home on a cart by her brother. I could see my second older sister’s bloody feet as well and her face, which was covered by a straw mat. My mother was dead, but my sister breathed her last breath after she took a sip of water. They were buried together. I begged to see my mother’s face, but my grandmother refused because she did not want her young grandson to see his mother mutilated. I wonder how sad my grandmother had been when she told me “no.” Her tears are all that’s left when I think of her.

 Two brothers turned themselves in and went missing

The long, cold winter came to an end.

“Han-jin, don’t you miss your older brother? He’s inside the main room. Go see him.”

My older brother was an executive of Minbodan [formerly Hyangbodan, a group initially aimed to be in charge of the general election], and we had no idea he was hiding in our maternal grandmother’s house. The Northwest Youth League ordered him to capture his younger brother, which was an order he could not follow. So, he also became a fugitive. My older brother was hiding in the ceiling of my uncle’s room. In the spring of 1949, he saw a leaflet that said, “Turn yourself in, and you’ll be pardoned.” Eventually, he came out of hiding.

A rumor then spread that those who turned themselves in were locked in an alcohol factory. So, Sanjimul, near the factory, was crowded with people from morning to night hoping to see their detained family members. Because no one knew when the captured would be moved by ships to mainland Korea, they came to Sanjimul in hopes to see their loved ones again, perhaps exiting the facility to take a sip of

+++ Mr. Lee Han-jin’s family gathers for the ancestral rites commemorating Han-jin’s mother, older brothers, and older sisters who were victimized during Jeju 4·3.

water. Mothers were looking for their sons, wives were looking for their husbands, and children were waiting for their fathers. I also roamed around Sanjimul, hoping to see my older brother. There, I heard that my second older brother, whose whereabouts had been unknown for a while, was locked up in another camp near Sanjimul [now the location of the Geonip-dong Community Service Center]. But that was it.

 Dreams I did not give up on

After the deaths of my mother and second older sister, I knew nothing about my older brothers. There was only me and my little sister, who was three years younger than me. I was only 11. There was little I could do but study. I was an orphan. I finished my primary, middle, high, and university studies. I lived in Seoul and Japan. Now, I am in the United States. It would have been impossible for me, as an 11-year-old boy, to imagine who I would become.

I moved from one relative’s home to another. I worked at different construction sites as a manual laborer. Despite the hardships, I did not give up on my dream. I was afraid I might get caught in an identification check, but I dreamed of becoming an English teacher in a rural village. I studied English hard, hoping to make my vague dream come true.

I majored in English literature at Jeju National University and considered pursuing a master’s degree. One day, my mother-in-law asked me if I could help her cousin, a Korean resident in Japan, to establish an electronics company. I knew little about electronics but understood that the founders wanted to entrust management to someone trustworthy. So, I got a job in a Japanese electronics company in Seoul. Fortunately, the company’s business was successful, and I was encouraged to challenge for more. I got a job at SONY.

 Overcoming the guilt by the association system

Working at SONY headquarters in Japan was a turning point in my life. I was good at English conversation, which helped me move to SONY’s New York branch. Moving to the United States was a natural process. And, my wife helped a lot.

She was a central public official working for the women’s community. Her job was to guide prostitutes to move onto a new life, so her tasks were related to those of the police department. Her career and position facilitated obtaining a visa. But at the time, it wasn’t easy to get a visa issued.

After settling in Brooklyn, New York, I started a large supermarket. There were moments of despair and frustration in my life outside of Korea since I had no one to depend on. However, this life was also a chance for me to begin anew, and put behind me the tragedy my family experienced back in Jeju. So, I challenged myself to do better. Now, the business has stabilized. I have two children who grew up to become prosperous [Mr. Lee’s son and daughter-in-law are cancer specialists. His daughter majored in international law, and her husband is a constitutionalist and a professor at Cornell Law School).

 +++ Mr. Lee Han-jin performs ancestral rites in the United States. His son-in-law and daughter-in-law also participate in the ritual.

Unconditional benevolence and the unhealed trauma

I still remember and can recite all the English poems I learned in university. If I had entered the master’s degree program as I had planned, I might have become an English literature professor. Many who knew me well told me to write professionally. However, without clarifying my second older brother’s record, I could not reveal myself nor say anything about what had happened.

As my business in New York grew successful, I was contacted by numerous people. Korea seemed generous to a successful businessman. Nevertheless, I could not risk myself by participating in social activities, including voluntary charities. I had to find anonymous ways to help others, which is the idea of helping others unconditionally. It has something to do with Mujusangbosi [a Buddhist notion of unconditional benevolence], but not because I am a great man.

My whole life, my family’s record was my weak point. I had to censor myself, doubting whether I would be misunderstood for providing sponsorship or becoming involved in group activities. I was constantly worried about and feared repercussions from the guilt-by-association system. If this is what you call trauma, then my trauma is far from being cured.

 

Can compensation truly atone for the time during which the victim was condemned as a communist?

The first thing I do every morning is search news on Jeju 4·3. As I read all the articles and materials on Jeju 4·3, I still see some people who, at official meetings, use terms like “the Reds of Jeju 4·3.” Don’t say that so easily! That’s too simplistic and dichotomous. Be that as it may, if we want to call those who were involved in the communist ideological activities “Reds,” we also have to answer the question, “What about the innocent people killed who knew nothing about the ideological conflict?” The reasons for their deaths should all be clarified, one by one, to end this nonsense where the victims, who died on false charges, are denounced as “Reds.” Let’s be honest; the truth of Jeju 4·3 was covered by the act of condemning us as communists. Even now, there are still things that those who condemn us want to hide. Some still want to cover up the truth even though there are steps being taken to resolve Jeju 4·3. This is not about the money. Justice should come first. Then the state’s responsibility should follow. Compensation shouldn’t be a primary goal. We still have much to uncover. This is an ongoing issue.

My two brothers were announced not guilty through a retrial. Had I stood in the court, I would have asked the judge, “Can the word ‘not guilty’ conclude everything? Can the single statement recover the time during which the victim was condemned as a communist?”

I hope the falsely charged victims have their honor restored. Without it, it is meaningless to define Jeju 4·3. It is like an answer without a question. Jeju 4·3 can be resolved only when every person in Korea can acknowledge it as “the deaths of innocent Jeju people at the hands of the state.”

Resolution of Jeju 4‧3 is a valuable achievement that Jeju islanders have made together

Poet Kang Dukhwan

– Jeju 4·3 activities

(Former) Policy Researcher, Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council

(Former) Member of the Jeju 4·3 Working Committee, Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council (Planning Subcommittee Chair)

(Former) Board member, Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation (Subcommittee Chair)

(Current) Chairman, Steering Committee for the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park and the Jeju 4·3 Peace Memorial Hall

(Current) Advisor to the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee, Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council

(Current) Member of the Jeju 4·3 Peace and Human Rights Education Committee, Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Office of Education

– Literary associations

(Former) Member and chairman of the Steering Committee, Jeju Literature Center

(Current) Chairman, Jeju Literature School

(Current) Director, Association of Writers for National Literature

(Current) Director, Jeju People Artist Federation

(Current) Chairman, Jeju Writers’ Association

– Compilations

• Lead author, Jeju 4·3 Damage Investigation Report (3 volumes, Jeju Provincial Council)
• Lead author, Jeju 4·3 White Book of Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council (Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council)
• Co-author, Jeju 4·3 Historical Sites – In Search of Lost Villages (Hakminsa)
• Co-author, Jeju 4·3 Records of Human Rights Violation – Victims of Unlawful Imprisonment Returning from the Grave (Yukbi)
• Co-author, Jeju 4·3 Literature Map Ⅰ, Ⅱ – Jeju City, Seogwipo City (Jeju People Artist Federation)
• Co-author, 70 Years after Jeju 4·3 – From Darkness to Light (Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation)
• Co-author, Manbengdi, the Wind of Peace (7.7 Manbengdi Bereaved Families Association)
• Co-author, Jeju 4·3 Incident Follow-up Investigation Report (Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation)
• Co-author, History of Jeju 4·3: A Photographic Archive (3 volumes, Jeju 4·3 Memorial Project Committee)
• Co-author, Stories of Jeju 4·3 in Nohyeong-dong (Nohyeong-dong Resident Autonomy Committee)

– Books of poems

• Ride of the Living Dead (1992, Oreum Publishing)
• That Winter Was Cold (2010, Punggyeong)
• On an Island, Even the Wind Is a Friend (2021, Life Chang)

This year marks the 30^th anniversary of the launch of the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee of the Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council. The committee took the responsibility for receiving the reports on Jeju 4·3 victims, conducted investigations at the provincial council level, and published the Jeju 4·3 Victims Investigation Report (three volumes in total). The committee members played a key role in unifying the separately performed memorial ceremonies for Jeju 4·3 victims, which had been a source of division and conflict in the local community. It was also the provincial council’s Jeju 4·3 Special Committee that urged the national government and the National Assembly to resolve Jeju 4·3 through the enactment of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act.

The following article is the record of our interview with Kang Dukhwan, a poet who has worked on the investigation of Jeju 4·3 from the onset of the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee and is still working to reveal the truth about Jeju 4·3 and restore honor to the victims. <Editor>

 Interview and Arrangement by Jang Yoon-sik, Head of the Memorial Project Team

Photographs by the Editing Office and Photographer Kim Ki-sam

When and how did you recognize Jeju 4·3?

I am from Nohyeong, a Jeju village that saw the biggest number of residents killed during Jeju 4·3. Growing up, I found it quite ordinary to hear the term “Jeju 4·3.” A family in my neighborhood lost ten of its members in a massacre. When I was attending ancestral rituals for holidays or memorial services, the food placed on the table used to create a heavy atmosphere, rather than satisfying my hunger. In my middle school years, I would get chilled to the bone when walking past the pine tree field in Doryeong Maru, one of the sites where many residents of my village were killed during Jeju 4·3. Under these circumstances, I have felt myself somewhat bound to the tragedy since childhood.

When I was little, I thought we had no Jeju 4·3 victims in our family. Nobody had ever told me that we actually do. It wasn’t until I started working for the resolution of Jeju 4·3 that I learned that my grandfather lost his life during Jeju 4·3. My father’s step brother was also sent to a prison on the Korean mainland and died there during his prison term. However, my father was later adopted to a different family and registered on their family register. So, I’m not recognized as a victim’s bereaved family member. Well, it took me so many years to learn and understand all these stories.

What inspired you to engage in the activities related to Jeju 4·3?

I entered the university in 1980, the year of the so-called “Seoul Spring” when people were eagerly looking forward to democratization. It was when I read novels written by Hyun Ki-young. In fact, I was more impressed with The Crow of Doryeong Maru City Plaza, rather than with Sun’i Samch’on which relates to the Bukchon Massacre. The Crow of Doryeong Maru City Plaza tells a story of my neighborhood featuring places that sounded familiar to me. It was shocking to read a novel in the Jeju language for the first time in my life. I also learned that the novelist and I came from the same neighborhood after reading the book.

In college, I studied Jeju 4·3 with upper and lower grade students in a literary club and tried to create a work. The first poem I wrote in 1980 with the theme of Jeju 4·3 was titled “Oleander in Chonamdongsan Hill.” Looking back, I was pretty condescending in the poem, just beating around the bush. In 1982, intelligence authorities caught me when my club members and I were working on the script for a theatrical play, titled On the Night of December 18 on the Lunar Calendar, which was an adaptation from Sun-i Samch’on. The entire script was confiscated, with the performance canceled as a result. I also remember that on April 3, we gathered in my rented room where we prepared a table of offerings for the Jeju 4·3 victims and held a memorial service by reciting prayers. When poet Lee San-ha released a long poem titled Hallasan Mountain, we circularized and studied it together.

After graduation, a heightened social mood to discover the truth about Jeju 4·3 was created in light of the June Democratic Struggle of 1987. The Jeju Cultural Movement Council was established, and I joined its affiliate organization, the Jeju Youth Literary Society. I participated in the investigation of Jeju 4·3, creation of collaborative works, and the exhibition of illustrated poems, broadening my awareness of Jeju 4·3. Additionally, I worked as a correspondent for a magazine Jeju Monthly and continued to write investigative pieces.

+++ Poet Kang Dukhwan talks to Jang Yoon-sik, head of the Memorial Project.

Addressing the report of victims at the local Jeju 4·3 Special Committee is another Jeju 4·3 movement

This year, the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee of the Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council marks the 30^th anniversary of its founding. Please tell us about the formation and significance of the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee.

The local council of Jeju had the experience of addressing Jeju 4·3 in 1952, when the first provincial council was established. As is well-known, it was during the Korean War, so the activities were to budget for the destruction of communist guerillas. During the April Revolution that began on April 19, 1960, the National Assembly ran the Civilian Massacres Investigation Group, and the Jeju Provincial Council cooperated with it. After the May 16 coup in 1961, the local council itself disappeared under the military regime and the revitalizing reforms system. And the investigation of damage and the discovery of the truth submerged under the surface.

+++ The signboard-hanging ceremony is held for the reporting of Jeju 4·3 victims (top). The Jeju 4·3 Special Committee investigates the Gujwa area (bottom).

In 1991, the local councils were reinstated after a 30-year hiatus. At the time, candidates running for the election sometimes made campaign pledges to resolve Jeju 4·3. I think that it resulted from the combination of achievements of the June Democratic Struggle of 1987 and the transformative period toward democratization that followed. Of course, there were other achievements such as novels by Hyun Ki-young, papers by John Merrill, and books by Kim Bong-hyeon and Kim Min-ju that came out intermittently during the previous military regime. But we were not able to talk freely about Jeju 4·3 at the time. Books about Jeju 4·3 were banned from sale, and activist Kim Myeong-sik was imprisoned. It was a time when we spoke out through difficulties. After that, the Jeju 4·3 Research Institute was founded, and the Jeju 4·3 movement began in various fields, with the historical case covered by newspapers and broadcasters. These were followed by the exhumation of the remains inside Darangshi Cave, exhibitions of historical paintings on Jeju 4·3 by Kang Yo-bae, and archiving of various testimonies. Under these circumstances, the local council, a representative body formed in 1991, naturally began to address Jeju 4·3 issues. And the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee was launched on March 20, 1993. Jang Jeong-un, then chairman, and Kim Young-hun, chairman of the steering committee (who later also served as chairman of the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee), played an active role in the process.

You were one of the first members of the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee to play a key role in accepting the report on the Jeju 4·3 victims and the working-level investigation in the Jeju 4·3 Special Commission. What was the atmosphere like in the early days?

I think I should first tell you why the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee of the Jeju Provincial Council opened the office for the reporting of Jeju 4·3 victims and investigated the reported cases. In November 1993, the Jeju Provincial Council requested the National Assembly for the enactment of a special act and the formation of a special committee to resolve Jeju 4·3. And the National Assembly responded by asking, “You say you need a special committee and a special act, but based on what estimation of the victims?” We didn’t know the number of victims. The lawmakers didn’t know, and the local council members that had made the request didn’t know, either. Our request was based on the vague estimation of 30,000 to 80,000 victims, and it didn’t work. As it wasn’t likely to work, we decided to at least do some basic research. And on Feb. 7, 1994, we opened the office for the reporting of Jeju 4·3 victims.

We set up the desk on the 4^th floor of the provincial council building, with only two staff members. I received the reports while the female assistant organized the reports. As soon as the office was launched, the reports started pouring in. It was hard for the two of us to manage the workload, so we started to do regional investigations with investigators appointed to each area. The provincial council members recommended 17 investigators, one from each constituency. The investigators did research in their respective regions and made a monthly report. However, even with the organized investigation system, the initial effect was less than expected. So, we complemented the process by appointing four additional investigators and conducted a thorough investigation. In April 1995, the first draft of the Jeju 4·3 Damage Investigation Report came out. The report included the list of about 12,000 victims.

The task must have been very difficult at the time.

Indeed. Not just the lack of the investigators, we experienced so many difficulties during the on-site investigation in different regions. For example, when you visit rural areas during the day, people would have gone to the field or orchard for work. It was difficult to make an appointment in advance because there were no cell phones at that time. And if it were a little after dinner time, they would have turned off the lights to sleep. People were also afraid of investigators knocking on the door and saying, “We are here to take reports on Jeju 4·3.” There were also cases of dog bites during the investigation.

And memory has its limitations. Many people failed to clearly remember the exact year or month their loved ones died. To estimate the time, we used to ask, “Was barley in season?” or “Was it the harvest time for potatoes or beans?” And even if we were able to estimate the time, many people often misunderstood the preliminary arrest during the Korean War, because they remembered Jeju 4·3 as a war. It was also difficult to organize the dates because most of their testimonies were based on the ancestral rituals, which were calculated following in the lunar calendar. Some even testified that there were no victims in their families because of the wrong assumption that only those who were shot would be recognized as victims.

There were many cases where the names of victims were incorrect. Back then, we were not allowed to request copies of family registers or other documents that could identify the victims. It was before the legal grounds for the investigation were prepared. Therefore, we had difficulties identifying the victims when their families reported them under names used in childhood or registered differently in family registers. Some families even refused to report the deaths of young family members, saying the death of a child might mean bad luck to the family.

We also had to deal with those who were infuriated, saying, “What’s the point of investigating Jeju 4·3 now?” Some people spoke nothing of their damage at all because their children were government employees and they were worried about their descendants. Lots of people were reluctant to report the cases of victims for a variety of reasons. Sometimes, I would visit a family knowing through prior research that there was a victim in the family. But when they denied it, I couldn’t force them to report. Returning to the office, I felt helpless.

Were there any attempts to cajole or intimidate the committee members?

Once, I was contacted by the public security authorities, demanding that I send them the list of reported cases. I said, “I can’t do that. The victims and survivors are already frightened of reporting their cases, and I can’t tell them that this list will be reported to the intelligence agencies.” I kept saying, “I can’t give you the list even if I have to quit my job.” Later, they compromised to request the number of people that had been reported, and I closed the case by letting them know the number of reported cases.

There were many similar attempts as made by the intelligence agencies. After all these twists and turns, the first report on the damage came out in 1995, based on which we demanded that the government and the National Assembly discover the truth about Jeju 4·3. After the report was published, the police visited the committee for investigation. They said that the names on the report were incorrect, so as the ages. Of course, the names could be incorrect. Why? We didn’t have the authority to read the family registers. We also noted in the report that the list of missing victims includes the list of alleged victims, of which the records were based on the survivors’ testimonies of their deaths. It was for proper investigation in the future, but they criticized that we did a sham investigation.

+++ Jeju 4·3 Damage Investigation Report published by the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee, Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council.

There was personal repression against me as well, asking “Why are you receiving false reports?” or “Why are you distorting the truth about Jeju 4·3?” They filed a complaint against all the articles I wrote in the newspapers or magazines, claiming that it’s the distortion of the truth. Some even accused me of defaming the victims, pointing out the typos in the report.

+++ A Jeju 4·3 Investigator’s ID card and investigation note.

In 1997, I was also the subject of a police reference investigation. The director of the documentary film about Jeju 4·3, “An Outcry That Never Sleeps: Jeju 4·3 Resistance,” had been detained for violating the National Security Act. They suspected that the director had received funding from the pro-North Korean group named the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan. As a member of the film production team, I was subject to investigation as well. But their suspicion was completely untrue, and they had no evidence. So, I was soon released. It was a bad enough time.

I also remember finding the victim with the help of the police, with which we used to maintain a tense relationship. The victim was a resident of Bukchon-ri, but he was not originally from the region. He had moved from outside to fire earthenware. According to the testimonies of his neighbors, five to six members of his family died during Jeju 4·3. But that was the only clue we had about their deaths. Then we traced the case through the police’s information network, and figured out that he was from Jeollanam-do Province.

Despite many challenges, the activities must have been very rewarding.

Above all, the official acceptance of the report on the damage by the provincial assembly was an opportunity for the bereaved families to heal the wounds that they had been suppressing and suffering from the Red Complex. When they came to report, they complained the injustice caused by Jeju 4·3 and the hard life they had been living. I could never neglect to listen to their complaints. It was very rewarding for me to be able to listen to them.

Since 1994, long before the enactment of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act, a joint memorial ceremony was performed through the mediation of the Jeju Provincial Council. And it was rewarding that the list of victims on the plaque was based on the list we researched. I think the mediation for the joint memorial ceremony was a great achievement of the Jeju Provincial Council, which was achieved through the cooperation of the bereaved families and the people of Jeju. It is believed to have helped the integration of the bereaved families and the formation of the mood for reconciliation and mutual prosperity.

The three volumes of Jeju 4·3 Damage Investigation Report, each published in 1995, 1997, and 2000, served as important base data for the subsequent administrative treatment of reports on Jeju 4·3 victims under the Jeju 4·3 Special Act. To my knowledge, the books helped identify victims that have yet to be registered. This is also very rewarding.

+++ Jeju 4·3 pilgrims chant slogans in front of the National Assembly.

What stood out to you while working in the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee?

In 1999, there was a national pilgrimage and visit to the National Assembly by members of the four city and provincial legislatures of Jeju Province to raise awareness of Jeju 4·3 and call for the enactment of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act. We felt an implicit urgency that what was done in the 20^th century should not be carried over into the 21^st century unresolved. All of the relevant organizations joined the pilgrimage. This moved the National Assembly, and later that year, the Jeju 4·3 Special Act was passed at the National Assembly, which was a tremendous momentum builder.

Moreover, the documents proclaiming martial law concerning Jeju 4·3 were discovered by the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee and reported to the media. I also remember activities such as submitting the Report on the Victims of Civilian Massacres to the National Assembly, securing data regarding refugee resettlement, and publishing a partial translation of the U.S. military intelligence report during the Jeju 4·3 period. In addition, we tried to share the pain of Jeju 4·3 through the exchanges with Okinawa and Taiwan, which experienced similar cases, and with those working to resolve the cases related to the Gwangju Democratization Movement, massacres in Geochang and Daejeon Gollyeong-gol, and March 15 Masan Uprising. Among the roles of the local council is the right to enact municipal ordinances. We tried to prepare solutions to the Jeju 4·3 issues by enacting the Ordinance Concerning the Preservation and Management of Jeju 4·3 Historical Sites, Ordinance Concerning the Subsidization of Living Expenses for Surviving Victims and Bereaved Families Related to Jeju 4·3, Ordinance Concerning the Promotion of Peace Education Related to Jeju 4·3, and Ordinance on the Designation of April 3 Memorial Day as a Local Holiday.

You must have met a lot of people through your activities on Jeju 4·3. Any memorable people or events you could refer to?

I’ve met so many survivors and bereaved families, all of whom shared with me valuable testimonies of their unfortunate memories. I was particularly impressed by those who had independently investigated the damage caused to their villages even before the enactment of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act, or going further, even before the launch of the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee. They did so with great courage. I remember Kim Yang-hak, who wrote The True Record of Jeju 4·3 in Tosan-ri, and Moon Ki-bang, the author of Josu-ri Records for Posterity. There were Hong Sun-sik in Bukchon-ri and many others in Iho-ri’s Odorong Village and Pyoseon-myeon’s Gasi-ri. I believe that they were all driven by a sense of urgency to document the unjust victimization and make it known to posterity. In addition, our activities in the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee were greatly influenced by the media coverages, including reports by the Jemin Ilbo’s Jeju 4·3 reporting team and the special reports on Jeju 4·3 aired in series by Jeju MBC.

Reports of Jeju 4·3 victims archived at the provincial council represents the souls of 12,000 residents

The proposal to inscribe the documentary heritage of Jeju 4·3 on the UNESCO Memory of the World list has been passed in Korea and will soon be reviewed by UNESCO. The Jeju provincial council’s records of Jeju 4·3 victim reports have been included in the heritage list. Please tell us about the archiving and transfer of the documents.

With the elevation of the status of Jeju Province to that of the Jeju Special Self-Governing Province, the number of local council members increased. There were not enough legislative chambers and meeting halls. By the time, the Jeju 4·3 documents had been stored in the archives of the provincial legislature, and it was decided to use that space for other purposes.

Around that time, the Jeju 4·3 Special Committee relocated its office into the old Bukjeju-gun Office. I insisted that I would take charge of the documents and kept and managed them in the hallway. The documents contained personal information, and they didn’t seem to be strictly protected. There were 12,000 reports archived at that time. To me, they were like the souls of the deceased. That’s why I tried to keep the reports safe, thinking that I would carry them with me even if it meant losing my life. I even kept all the pickets, flags, banners, vests, and shoulder straps that we used in the campaign.

+++ A stack of reports on damage due to Jeju 4·3.

After the enactment of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act, we saw the opening of the provincial Jeju 4·3 Office and the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park. So, we transferred the archived materials to them, in the form of a donation by the provincial council. They are now safely stored in the repository of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation, where they are kept at constant temperature and humidity.

It would be very rewarding for me if they are included in the documentary heritage recognized by UNESCO. Of course, even if not for me personally, the UNESCO inscription would be very meaningful for addressing Jeju 4·3 on a global scale.

When it comes to regrets about the materials, we were more focused on getting the report done at the time, and we failed to take time to record the detailed stories of survivors or bereaved families. To my regret, many of those that could testify so vividly 20 years ago passed away or have foggy memories due to old age now.

You are still involved in addressing Jeju 4·3 issues, not only as a former member of the Jeju 4·3 Working Committee, but also as a poet and as the chairman of the Jeju Writers’ Association. How do you approach your work?

One of the reasons I quit my job as a policy researcher at the Jeju Special Self-Governing Provincial Council in 2018 was because I wanted to write more. Then I published a book of poems, authored a book about Jeju 4·3 stories of my hometown. I am now the president of the Jeju Writers’ Association, working for expanded exchanges with writers’ associations in other regions. Jeju is not the only place that is suffering. It is necessary for writers’ associations to keep in mind that there are innumerable cases that remind us of the importance of peace, such as human rights violations at home and abroad committed in the past. By building solidarity between regions with similar painful experiences, we can make literary practices to prevent them from happening again. The Jeju Writers’ Association has been networking or considering the request to network with writers in Gwangju, Daegu, Busan, and especially recently, Gyeonggi-do, Chungcheongbuk-do, and Daejeon, as well as foreign writers in Vietnam, Taiwan, Okinawa, and Mongolia. In addition, the Jeju Writers’ Association has held exhibitions of illustrated poems at the gate post of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park for 20 years. Earlier, it was for local writers based in Jeju, but now we are exhibiting the works of poets from all over the country. I think that Jeju will become a sanctuary for peace and human rights in a true sense by embracing the pain of other regions.

I also want to cover in literature little-known clashes between the armed guerilla forces and the counterinsurgency forces, as shown in Sallani Oreum, Noru Oreum, Muljangori Oreum, Miaksan Oreum, Hansugigot Forest, and Nogajiak Oreum. Shouldn’t literature take the lead in addressing these?

This year, I went on a literary trip to the Daejeon National Cemetery and Ganghwa Island bordering North Korea. Those who came to suppress Jeju Island are buried in the Daejeon National Cemetery. I wanted to think about how to view these people from a literary perspective.

What do you think are the remaining challenges for the resolution of Jeju 4·3?

“Discovering the truth about Jeju 4·3, restoring honor to the victims, punishing those responsible, paying reparation and compensation, and inheriting the spirit.” These are the keywords for addressing the wrongdoings committed in the past. But punishing the perpetrators is a very difficult task. Rather than simply holding Minbodan [civilian guard corps], police, or soldiers on the front lines responsible, we must clearly identify the real perpetrators behind the scenes.

​​We also have to think about the fact that even in the fully revised Jeju 4·3 Special Act, we have failed to change our smothering stance of excluding many of those affected from officially recognized victims.

As a writer, I think there remain a lot of issues to be discussed, specifically over how to build a social consensus against the forces that vilify Jeju 4·3 and attempt secondary victimization. And, given that the ultimate goal of resolving Jeju 4·3 is to overcome the division of Korea, promote human rights, and realize world peace, Jeju needs to be able to contribute to this ultimate goal.

Do you have any final comments to share with our readers?

On April 3, 1994, the Statement for Healing the Wounds from Jeju 4·3 was announced in the name of the chairman of the Jeju Provincial Council. It reads, “Importantly, resolving Jeju 4·3 must be premised on mutual forgiveness and reconciliation because all Jeju residents are victims in a sense.” This was to urge Jeju residents to form a united front to solve Jeju 4·3 issues.

Otherwise, it would create division between neighbors, between relatives, between neighborhoods, and between villages. Of course, if someone did something wrong, he or she should apologize. And, in turn, the other party should be able to accept the apology. This is how we can move toward a unified Jeju community.

The epitaph of the Memorial Tower in Bukchon-ri delivers novelist Hyun Ki-young’s message: “We erected this lasting, unforgettable stone monument so as to forgive but not forget.” It is also inscribed with the phrase that reads, “We erected this stone monument in the name of peace… because we deserve to shout peace with dignity.” These are the words that have struck me.

I believe that consoling the souls of the victims should not take the form of oblivion, which aims to lay them at eternal rest and close the case. Rather, it should be an opportunity to strengthen our determination to not repeat the dark past and to use the lessons learned as an impetus for a new chapter in history.

So far, the Jeju 4·3 movement has achieved a lot to get to the point where compensation is being made for the victims. There were so many people who spared no effort in the process, including victims’ bereaved families, the people of Jeju Island, and conscientious people from all over the country. We could make it because activists in Jeju 4·3-related groups, journalists, artists, college students, provincial council members, and victims’ families in Korea and overseas have all expressed the shared commitment that Jeju 4·3 must be resolved.

Toward the state-led Jeju 4‧3 Trauma Center:

An approach to enable social healing of wounds from Jeju 4‧3

Oh Seung-guk, Chief Editor, Former Vice Director of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center

The operation of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center began in May 2020 as a pilot project. Using the regional experience as a springboard, the South Korean government plans to operate a national trauma system in Gwangju and Jeju, starting from early in 2024, for the surviving victims of state violence. Initially, the government hoped to evenly share the burden of budgeting the operational expenses with the relevant local municipalities. Although its stance has been revised, the project will likely make a shaky start as the planned budget for the project, which was to be 100 percent funded by the national government, has been significantly cut. According to the Ministry of the Interior and Safety, the Ministry of Economy and Finance has allocated only 65 percent of the budget requested for the operation of the state-led trauma healing center, which will be established next year on the site of the former Gwangju Armed Forces Hospital.

Since the trauma healing center is planned to have a regional branch in Jeju as well, the reduced budget will have an inevitable impact on the operation of the Jeju center. The Gwangju headquarters and the Jeju regional office will be allowed to employ a staff of 13 people, respectively, with the final bill determined to secure only 1.6 billion won out of the 4.6 billion won budget requested by the Ministry of the Interior and Safety.

Despite the same number of operational staff to be appointed to each center, the Gwangju headquarters will be given a higher ratio of the budget. There are concerns that if the budget cut by the Ministry of Economy and Finance is reflected as it is, the Jeju branch will have to cut staffing or drastically reduce its programs. Taking this into consideration, the Ministry of the Interior and Safety will work to restore the original budget during the National Assembly deliberations on next year’s government budget, scheduled for the end of 2023.

The Jeju local municipality is also planning to build the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center in the unused section of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park, as part of the project to revitalize the park dedicated to the resolution of Jeju 4·3. The facility of two floors and one basement with a total area of 1,500 ㎡ will feature psychological and physical therapy rooms as well as group and individual counseling rooms, designed to support the survivors of Jeju 4·3 and the bereaved families of deceased victims who have suffered from trauma. Following the national and provincial plans, the Jeju-based center will be open in two different regions, one in the downtown area and the other in the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park. For increased accessibility, the therapeutic programs will be offered primarily at the office in the downtown area.

Jeju 4·3, a symbol of state violence

The raison d’être of the state is to maintain public order, pursue the interests and happiness of its citizens, and ultimately achieve the common good of society. Despite this primal definition, however, history is littered with painful memories of violent acts committed by the state.

Specifically, South Korea experienced a series of state violence and abuse of power while struggling through the establishment of its post-liberation government, the Korean War, military dictatorship, judicial murder, extrajudicial killings, disappearances, repression using torture and the ‘Red’ complex, and disastrous accidents. The resulting pain and the wounds have caused a deep trauma to the people to this day, hindering the transition to true democracy.

Healing the trauma from Jeju 4·3, one of the most heinous acts of state violence, is the final process of correcting the past wrongdoings by revealing the painful truth. It also ensures the fulfillment of the state’s fundamental obligation to pursue a democratic unity going beyond the trauma from the past.

The trauma suffered by those who have experienced or witnessed the horrors of death remains with them long afterward. Therefore, healing Jeju 4·3-related trauma should not be a long voyage into oblivion, but a solution to historical memory, prioritizing social healing.

Trauma center established following the President’s pledge

In May 2020, the long-awaited Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center opened to provide psychological and physical healing to victims of state-led projects, including survivors of Jeju 4·3, bereaved families of Jeju 4·3 victims, and residents of Gangjeong Village. Through its intense healing programs, the center has established a social healing model for the realization of a sustainable and peaceful environment on Jeju Island while improving the quality of life of its residents and fostering a sense of community.

In 2003, the local community of Jeju began discussing trauma from Jeju 4·3 at a conference organized by the Jeju 4·3 Research Institute. It was first initiated by Rep. Kang Chang-il in the National Assembly, and later materialized in consultation with the government to feature a metropolitan mental health center, a program of the Ministry of Health and Welfare.

In 2020, President Moon Jae-in delivered his memorial speech at the Memorial Ceremony for the 72^nd Anniversary of Jeju 4·3, where he promised his full support to elevate the status of the regional trauma center to a national one. He had previously pledged to establish the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center during the 70^th anniversary event.

For four years since its establishment, the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center has been piloted with the trauma center based in Gwangju, now scheduled to be upgraded to a national center. The operation of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center has relied on the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation, with the operating costs funded evenly from the national and local government budgets. Currently, more than 17,000 survivors of Jeju 4·3 and families of deceased victims need assistance for the healing of their trauma. Reports suggest that 39.1 percent of the survivors and 11.1 percent of the bereaved families are at high risk for post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms, calling for swift actions for treatment. Those in need of trauma healing include 70 victims of Jeju 4·3 with residual disabilities, 30 victims of unlawful imprisonment during Jeju 4·3, 13,297 first-generation descendants of Jeju 4·3 victims, 2,881 daughters-in-law of Jeju 4·3 victims, and an estimated 1,000 victims of manipulated espionage cases for ideological purposes as well as of state projects such as the naval base establishment in Gangjeong Village.

The indiscriminate counterinsurgency operations practiced across Jeju Island have left an indelible pain for the people of Jeju including the survivors even after 75 years have passed. These lingering historical wounds are often passed down to the coming generations, which may broaden the scope of those with trauma to include second-generation descendants of the victims.

A shelter offering comfort and healing with systematic programs

+++ A Jeju 4·3 story-telling program.

Since its establishment, the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center has focused on the following key areas to execute its operational goals:

First, it has worked for the mental and physical healing of Jeju 4·3 victims and their families, as well as the mental healing of victims of national projects, with the goal of healing the victims of state violence in the historical, cultural, and social context and realizing a peaceful community on Jeju Island.

Second, the center has run programs on the integrated management of cases in conjunction with community services to create a sense of communal solidarity, while networking with Jeju 4·3 activists and mental health professionals and expanding national and international exchanges and cooperation.

Third, the center has promoted trauma surveys, support projects, and academic research to prevent traumatic events and hold the state responsible for any such cases.

For the past four years, the center has provided individual, family, and group counseling, educational courses on psychological healing, healing programs using arts (paintings, literature, music, gardening, and meditation), outdoor therapies through visits to forests and historical sites of Jeju 4·3, and physical exercises for healing purposes.

The experts at the center also began to address the difficult task of healing the trauma of residents of Gangjeong Village. Through trust-building with the village’s self-generated groups such as the Village Self-Governing Association, the center was able to approach more than 200 members of the Gangjeong Women’s Association and the Gangjeong Senior Citizens’ Association. Specifically, the villagers participated in the program to boost positive psychology, the trips to Jeju 4·3 historical sites, the preparation of shared meals for healing purposes, and the forest healing programs.

In addition, efforts have been made to establish a system of weekly and monthly structured healing programs. The programs adopted the media of literature, music, gardening, meditation, and storytelling of Jeju 4·3, sequentially on each day of the week, while psychological counseling and kinesitherapy were conducted routinely.

The Jeju 4·3 Storytelling Program, which was held every Friday morning, allowed Jeju 4·3 victims and survivors to release their memories of suffering, demonstrating the center’s major function of healing trauma through the encouragement and support from participants.

In 2024, the center traveled to rural areas to increase the accessibility to its healing and quality psychological counseling services, receiving accolades from Jeju 4·3 victims and their families.

The various healing programs available at the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center offer both mental and physical therapies that help maintain the perfect equilibrium inherent in the human body and return to that equilibrium when lacking balance.

It is human nature to want to be healthy, but it is up to humans to fulfill the prerequisites for these programs to work effectively. People fall ill when they are out of balance and can get better when rebalancing their autonomic nervous system with a positive mindset.

The Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center’s psychological counseling and unique healing programs are designed to help people find the perfect equilibrium inherent in their body.

+++ A kinesitherapy program.

In addition, through continuous research on collective trauma, the center has actively raised public awareness of the need to prevent state violence and worked with local and international communities to prevent national violence. It has also performed policy functions to spread warm, peaceful mood throughout the community by focusing on historical, cultural, and social healing.

Over the past four years, the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center has created an enthusiastic space with more than 1,500 registered users and 58,400 cumulative visitors. In a short period of time, the center established itself as a model for trauma center operations in Korea.

‘We owe our presence to you who have survived the times of suffering’

The center’s achievement was made possible by its staff members, healing program instructors, and network volunteers, who have passionately striven to walk the path of healers with the motto, “We owe our presence to you who have survived the times of suffering.”

The case of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center sets a meaningful example as its operation involved no accident even during the height of the coronavirus pandemic. This is due to its compliance with the national and municipal guidelines to tackle the disease, strictly prioritizing the personal and spatial quarantine rules.

The successful operation of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center confirms that Jeju 4·3 victims, survivors, and Gangjeong Village residents have eagerly anticipated the establishment of a trauma center. It also proves that the indiscriminate counterinsurgency operations against Jeju residents during Jeju 4·3 has left an unforgettable psychological trauma even after 75 years have passed. Hopefully, the planned national trauma center will inherit and complement the meaningful achievements of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center and serve as a hospitable gathering place for its users, establishing a model of a Jeju-type trauma center.

Jeju 4·3: An immortalized chapter in history written with tears

Jeju 4·3, the tearful, unspoken chapter in history that has been taboo for many years, is still hovering around Jeju Island, hidden behind the beautiful landscape of Halla.

+++ A horticultural healing program (top).

+++ An art therapy program (middle).

+++ A psychotherapy program(bottom).

Seventy-five years ago, the beautiful island of Jeju located off the southernmost tip of South Korea, saw the massacre of innumerable residents by state forces consisting of soldiers, police, and the Northwest Youth League, as well as the burning of countless houses in villages at high altitudes and the resulting massive property damage. More than 25,000 residents out of the-then population of 270,000 people lost their lives, with some 130 villages burned to ashes. Given that the tragedy took place in a non-wartime environment, the Jeju case of 10 percent of the island’s population massacred by state power is one of the rarest in world history.

Jeju 4·3 has led to unbearable suffering on the people of Jeju Island and is a tragedy that caused the second-largest damage following the Korean War in contemporary Korean history.

The survivors of Jeju 4·3 and the bereaved families of deceased victims have suffered unspeakable hardships and tribulations, including human and material damage and the destruction of the Jeju community. And the decades-long suffering has indescribably deep scars on the people and society of Jeju Island throughout the 20^th century. Nonetheless, they have worked tirelessly to move past the difficulties with the spirit of reconciliation and coexistence.

As a result of these efforts, the Special Act on the Investigation of Jeju 4·3 and Restoration of the Honor of the Victims (“Jeju 4·3 Special Act”) was enacted in 2000, and the national government confirmed the Jeju 4·3 Incident Investigation Report, defining the case as a human rights violation by state authorities.

In 2003, President Roh Moo-hyun made the first public apology for the wrongdoings of the state, followed by the declaration of the commitment to turn Jeju into an island of peace, the recognition of those killed during Jeju 4·3 and their families as victims, the creation of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park and the Jeju 4·3 Peace Memorial Hall, the exhumation of victims’ remains, the establishment of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation, and the designation of April 3 as a national memorial day for Jeju 4·3 victims.

The full revision of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act was enacted and promulgated in 2021, while courts started acquitting victims of unlawful imprisonment. Compensation for Jeju 4·3 victims also began in earnest. The history of Jeju Island’s suffering, which had been stained with marginalization and pillage, has justly been established as the history of truth recognized by the state.

+++ An healing outreach program.

Looking forward to the state-led center for the healing of Jeju 4·3 trauma

In 2020, the Act on the Establishment and Operation of the National Center for the Healing of Trauma from State Violence was enacted.

The first sentence of the reason for the proposal mentions the Jeju 4·3 and the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement. It is noteworthy that the inclusion of Jeju 4·3 was made possible by the efforts of Jeju Special Self-Governing Province and the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation.

Scheduled to finally open in 2024, the national center must be meticulously prepared, with a focus on operational independence, financial stability, and specialized healing programs.

Operational independence

Healing trauma and rehabilitation of victims of state violence is closely linked to discovering the truth of what happened in the past and restoring honor to the victims, ultimately reducing the social stigma. This involves exposing the wrongdoings and misdeeds of a particular regime, meaning that the operation of the center is likely to be politically influenced. Therefore, it is crucial to ensure that the center remains strictly neutral in the political sense.

Financial stability

Trauma healing is a long-term program for treatment and rehabilitation, which relies on psychological counseling. Victims of traumatic experiences are less likely to open up if the counseling process fails to be conducted in a stable environment and an atmosphere of respect, which may otherwise even worsen their conditions. Therefore, it is very important for trauma healing centers to secure stable financing and be maintained for a long period of time in a comfortable environment.

Specialized healing programs

Running a therapeutic program for trauma resulting from state violence requires therapists and psychotherapists to have a deep understanding and knowledge of trauma inflicted on victims of past wrongdoings as well as of general trauma. In this sense, those involved in healing programs for victims of state violence workers need expertise specific to related cases. This is because the institution needs to create a system for building and accumulating specialized content in healing programs.