01/18/2022 Events

Achievements of Jeju 4·3 documents illuminated by discussions on their significance

News Focus

The 11th Jeju 4·3 Peace Forum: Memories of Jeju 4·3 and Solidarity of Documents

Achievements of Jeju 4·3 documents illuminated by discussions on their significance

Ko Eun-kyeong, Investigation and Research Team of Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation

Session 3 “Solidarity for Documentation and Inheritance of Memories”

Jeju 4·3 and its subsequent history afterwards left the memories and the documents. The long journey of passing through darkness toward light for more than 70 years is now illuminated by the archives of testimonials substantiating the event of the past years.

On Oct. 21-22, the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation hosted the 11th Jeju 4·3 Peace Forum in the conference room of Jeju KAL Hotel. The forum was organized to illuminate the achievements of Jeju 4·3-related documents and their significance in discovering the truth of Jeju 4·3. Under the theme “Memories of Jeju 4·3 and Solidarity of Documents”, the foundation prepared the event as an opportunity to share the documents related to Jeju 4·3 as official archives of the historical case and the truth-finding movement afterwards.

The forum started at 5 p.m. on Oct. 21 with the keynote speech titled “4·3 and Today”, presented by Han Hong-koo, director of the Demos Archives at Sung Kong Hoe University. Han touched upon the history of Jeju 4·3, which had been thoroughly erased outside Jeju Island, saying that “Jeju 4·3 has not ended because the tragedy that caused agony to the people of Jeju Island at the time has left lingering pains for those who survived the turmoil, as well as the victims’ family members. The historian then emphasized that the history of Jeju 4·3, which had long been referred as a riot by the military regime, was regenerated through the memories of Jeju residents and eventually turned into the documents of today.

At 10 a.m. the following day, the forum featured three sessions. Session 1, titled “Documentation of Memories, and UNESCO”, was moderated by Yang Jeong-shim, head of the foundation’s Investigation and Research Team. Jan Bos, chair of the UNESCO Memory of the World (MoW) Register Subcommittee, gave an online presentation titled “The Memory of the World Programme and Documents as Testimonies of History”. The specialist emphasized the tremendous power of documents, with a focus on the influence of a documentary heritage with the value of historical proof as well as of materials for research and education. The Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation should preserve the various documents related to Jeju 4·3 as a documentary heritage and guarantee its accessibility to all people, he said.

Kim Ji Wook, research fellow at the National Debt Redemption Memorial Association, briefed the participants on the inscription of the Archives of the National Debt Redemption Movement on the UNESCO MoW Register and the significance of the process. Kim pointed out that Japan pays 8% of the UNESCO Regular Budget, and meanwhile a document with potential conflicts of interest between countries must fulfill the requirement of reaching inter-state agreement in order to be listed on the UNESCO MoW Register. “Due to this, South Korea has failed to have a documentary heritage added to the list since 2019,” he said. The history researcher then suggested the factors that qualify the Jeju 4·3-related documents as a documentary heritage candidate for the UNESCO MoW inscription. According to Kim, the documents related to Jeju 4·3 have potential because they feature a universal but unique theme which can be academically objectified, while drawing national public attention.

Session 2 was held under the topic “History and Preservation of Jeju 4·3-Related Documents”, moderated by Lee Kyu-bae, president of the Jeju 4·3 Research Institute. The session presenters included Park Chan-shik, director of the Center for Jeju Historical Studies at the Jeju Future Research Institute and Kwak Geon-gong, professor in the Archives Management Program at Hannam University.

Park’s presentation was titled “A Suitability Review of the Archives of Jeju 4·3 as a UNESCO MoW Documentary Heritage”, where he suggested the identifying parameters for the Archives of Jeju 4·3. According to his definition, the Archives of Jeju 4·3 refers to all pertinent resources including, but not limited to, text-based items, audiovisual items such as photographs and films, and artifacts associated with the people involved in the incident that have been documented and/or produced concerning the massacre of tens of thousands of residents during the armed clashes between the civilian armed forces and the state-led counterinsurgency forces which took place on Jeju Island, the Republic of Korea, from March 1, 1947, to Sept. 24, 1954, as well as the subsequent process of clarifying the truth related to the incident and restoring honor to the victims. The Jeju 4·3 expert also called for the establishment of the “Jeju 4·3 Archives Center” where the Archives of Jeju 4·3 will be comprehensively managed and preserved. The systematic management of the Archives of Jeju 4·3 at the proposed center will be needed to prepare for the UNESCO MoW inscription, he emphasized.

In the following presentation titled “Archiving Strategies of Documents Related to Jeju 4·3”, Kwak classified the characteristics of Jeju 4·3-related documents and suggested using an archiving method applied with “documentation strategies”. This places importance on the systematic management of the Jeju 4·3-related documents by determining a clear range of documentation and formalizing the document-collecting process so that social activities and history can be reconstructed into a documentary heritage.

The final session of the forum was titled “Solidarity for Documentation and Inheritance of Memories” and moderated by Heo Eun, professor in the Department of Korean History at Korea University. The session featured five presentations, which began with “Witnesses and Archives”, given by Annete Wieviorka, research director at the French National Centre for Scientific Research. Wieviorka is a specialist in the Holocaust and the history of Jewish people in the 20th century. During her presentation, the historian conveyed the importance of data that testify to the times. She explained that data that support various types of testimonies in each era, and the sociological interpretation of the data, have significance. According to her assessment, the testimonies are important data that put individuals at the center of history and society and enable individuals to publicly embody history.

The second presenter, Jeon Jinseung, professor in the Department of Social Studies Education at Pusan National University, addressed the conceptual aspect in his presentation, titled “Can Historical Truth Be Represented? – Historical Relativism, Trauma, and the History of Human Rights”.

Jeon’s presentation was followed by “Archived Video Images: A Catalyst for Transition from Documents to Memories”, given by Park Heui-tae, professor in the Department of French Language and Literature at Sungkyunkwan University. Focusing on the value of archived video images, Park explained that the technical ability of the camera to reproduce an object without human intervention plays an important role in giving credibility to video images, such as movies as a record of reality and facts. “The content recorded in a video image, which has secured credibility, has the power to persuade the public, and archived video images can be used in various ways,” he said.

The last speaker of the session was Jung Byung Joon, a professor in the Department of History at Ewha Womans University. Jung spoke under the title “The Current Status of Documents from the United States Army Military Government Period and the Future of Documents Related to Jeju 4·3.” During his presentation, Jung assessed the struggle for the truth of Jeju 4·3 as one of the most active and exemplary activities, saying that it is the result of concerted efforts of victims and their families, local society, civic groups, academia, media, and politicians. With the efforts to synthesize the documents related to Jeju 4·3, the significance of the movement as well as the lessons learned will go beyond Jeju Island to the Korean nation, the East Asian region, and to the whole world, he said. The history professor emphasized that it is needed at this time to systemize the documents related to Jeju 4·3, given their historical value. “Although Jeju 4·3 occurred on Jeju Island, the tragedy secures historical significance and recognition in the histories of Korea, East Asia, and the world,” he noted.

The 11th Jeju 4·3 Peace Forum was held in a meaningful year when the general amendment bill on the Jeju 4·3 Special Act was passed at the National Assembly. The on-site forum could not accept many participants from the family members of Jeju 4·3 victims due to the limited number of attendees at the event because of the quarantine guidelines. However, the real-time streaming of the event on YouTube created momentum for recognition of the values and historical status of the documents related to Jeju 4·3 on a broader scale, beyond Jeju Island.


01/18/2022 Events

“Whatever the pressure of the time, whatever the situation in Korea and in world politics, whatever the fears and insecurities — what happened [during the Jeju April 3 Incident] was not acceptable.” (Dan Smith)

The Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation recognizes Dan Smith (left) and the Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Mountain Society with a Peace Prize and a Special Prize (respectively) at the fourth Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Ceremony.

 

Dan Smith and Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Mountain Society recognized with Jeju 4·3-related prizes

Dan Smith, director of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), and the Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Mountain Society, a Japanese civic group, were awarded the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize and the Jeju 4·3 Special Prize, respectively.

The Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation and the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Award Committee (chairman: Catholic Bishop Kang U-il) held the fourth Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Ceremony on Nov. 30 at Maeson Glad Jeju Hotel in Jeju City.

The awards ceremony was attended by Koo Man-seop, acting governor of the Jeju province, Jwa Nam-soo, chairman of the Jeju provincial council, Lee Seok-moon, Jeju provincial superintendent of education, Oh Im-jong, chairman of the association of Jeju 4·3 victims’ families, Moon Dae-lim, chairman of Jeju Free International City Development Center, and Jang Jung-un and Lee Munkyo, former chairmen of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation. The attendees also included Kang Kum-sil, former South Korean Minister of Justice and current jury member of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize, Koh Choong-suk, former president of Jeju National University, Chong Ku-do, chairman of the No Gun Ri International Peace Foundation, and Chu Chin-oh, former director of the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History.

The event began with opening remarks by Yang, director of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation, followed by updates on developments in the scope of the prize, a report on the awardees’ accomplishments, welcoming remarks by Kang, chairman of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Award Committee, presentation of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize, congratulatory remarks by the heads of government and public authorities, and congratulatory performances.

Yang Jo Hoon explained during his opening speech that the prize was formerly presented to those who contributed to the study or popularization of Jeju 4·3, while the winners of the fourth annual event broadened the spectrum of candidates to recognize researchers and experts in world peace. “I expect the expanded boundaries of the prize to help globally publicize the values learned from Jeju 4·3 and the model of resolving Jeju 4·3 that we have pursued,” he stated.

During his welcoming speech, Bishop Kang U-il reminded the participants of the objective of the prize, saying, “the residents of Jeju Island who experienced Jeju 4·3, a historical tragedy, established the peace prize with high hopes for the prevention of recurrence of hatred, confrontation, and violence on Earth, and for the realization of lasting peace.” The Catholic Bishop also prayed that the contribution and efforts made by the awardees would continue to bear fruit in the future.

Dan Smith, winner of the fourth Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize, is the current SIPRI director and has designed and practiced programs that aim to analyze peace and the environment, make relevant policies, and promote peace and reconciliation in different forms.

During his acceptance speech, Smith said, “I really can hardly express how honored I am today and how grateful to be receiving this prize.” The SIPRI director recalled the moment when he was informed of the honor, citing the letter from the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Award Committee that noted him as “an activist, a scholar, a leader of a world-renowned institute, and someone working for peace on the Korean Peninsula.” After expressing his gratitude, Smith began his speech by saying, “The people of Jeju showed great steadfastness in a long campaign to have the truth of the massacre in 1948 to 1949, and the years after, uncovered and acknowledged.” He also emphasized the importance of the truth by commenting that “Whatever the pressure of the time, whatever the situation in Korea and in world politics, whatever the fears and insecurities — what happened was not acceptable.”

Smith mentioned several meetings convened by SIPRI which have concerned the Korean Peninsula. “As opportunity arises when the COVID pandemic is over, we will do so again.” He continued, “We know they made a modest contribution to inter-Korean détente in 2018, and we hope there can be a similar contribution in the coming period.” Before concluding his speech, the peace activist also shared his bigger vision of peace at a global level, willing to actively address challenges in state security and human security.

The Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Mountain Society, the winner of the fourth Jeju 4·3 Special Prize was founded in 2008. Over the past 13 years, the Japanese civil society group has engaged in different activities every year, including attending the Memorial Ceremony for the Jeju 4·3 Victims, taking tours of historical sites related to Jeju 4·3, and hosting a memorial service in Okinawa to pay tribute to the victims of the Battle of Okinawa.

During the awards ceremony, the society was represented by Akiko Nagata, a board member who gave the acceptance speech on behalf of the society’s president, Yutaka Umisedo, and advisor, Isamu Nagata.

Nagata expressed her gratitude, saying that it is a great honor that their society is the first group to be awarded the prize and accepting the prize inspires a strengthened sense of responsibility. The Japanese civil activist also said, “We are committed to the continued and expanded memorial ceremony for the Jeju 4·3 victims that connect Tsushima and Jeju Islands.” Pledging to the practice of “acting for Jeju 4·3 in Japan,” she said her society will pursue solidarity between people, going beyond national borders.

The Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation presented the prize money to the awardees, worth 50,000 USD for the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize and 10,000 USD for the Jeju 4·3 Special Prize. For those who were unable to attend the ceremony due to COVID-19 quarantine guidelines, the event was broadcast live on the foundation’s YouTube channel.

The award presenters and the awardees of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize and Special Prize pose for a commemorative group photo: (left to right) Ko Ho-sung, chairman of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Working Committee, Catholic Bishop Kang U-il, chairman of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize Award Committee, Dan Smith, winner of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize, Akiko Nagata, representative winner of the Jeju 4·3 Special Prize, and Yang Jo Hoon, president of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation.

Arirang News broadcasts “Special Roundtable: Ending the Korean War,” featuring Stockholm Peace Institute Director Dan Smith (left) and Sejong Institute Chairman Moon Chung-in (right) with Jen Moon.

Meanwhile, Arirang News, the flagship news program of South Korea’s English-language television network, dispatched three reporters to Jeju to broadcast news on the ceremony live to the world for two and a half minutes. As the day’s top news, the program aired the visit of the awardees to the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park, as well as the highlights of the awards ceremony. The reporters explained that Jeju 4·3 is a historical event where some 30,000 Jeju residents were killed in a military crackdown due to their protest against the division of the Korean Peninsula. The news also reported that the SIPRI director was awarded the prize for his contribution to prospects of peace in the world, as shown in January 2019 when SIPRI organized a working-level meeting between the two Koreas and the United States.

On Dec. 1, the state-led broadcasting station invited Smith to its studio for “Special Roundtable: Ending the Korean War – Stockholm Peace Institute Director Dan Smith and Sejong Institute Chairman Moon Chung-in with Jen Moon” during its feature program, News Special. During the meeting, Smith met with Moon Chung-in, current chairman of the Sejong Institute and former Special Advisor of National Security and Foreign Affairs to President Moon Jae-in. The 40-minute discussion was broadcast worldwide at 9:00 p.m. on Dec. 3.

Calling for US accountability for Jeju 4·3, significance of borderless award highlighted

Early on the day of the awards ceremony, Smith and Nagata visited the Jeju 4·3 Peace Park to pay tribute to the Jeju 4·3 victims at the Memorial Altar. The memorial event was led by the president of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation and the chairman of the Association of the Bereaved Families of the Jeju 4·3 Victims. The awardees of the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize burned incense and paid silent tribute in memory of the souls of those who were killed under false accusations.

In the joint press conference, the media was briefed on their activities and accomplishments, as well as their thoughts about winning the prize and its significance. Smith stressed the acts of the US government concerning the Jeju 4·3 issues. Although it is unrealistic to expect the Biden administration to make a formal apology to the victims of Jeju 4·3, the recently disclosed historical documents clearly demonstrate that the US army military government in Korea appointed the officials and military leadership who were directly responsible for Jeju 4·3, which puts the accountability on the US government, he stated.

Nagata said it is significant that Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Mountain Society, a group of Japanese activists, was recognized with the prize. She said the achievement is impressive in the broader context of ROK-Japan relations, given the worsened political relationship between Korea and Japan.

 

Winning Speech

I can hardly express how honoured I am today and how grateful to receive the Jeju 4·3 Peace Prize for 2021. This is a moment I will always treasure.
When I was informed of this extraordinary honour, I read that the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation’s committee saw me as an activist, scholar, and leader of world-renowned institute as well as someone working for peace in the Korean peninsula.
Today – beyond just saying, “Thank you”– I thought perhaps I could talk about each of those four points: activism, scholarship, SIPRI and the Korean Peninsula.
Let me start with the context of Jeju.
The people of Jeju showed great steadfastness in the long campaign to have the truth of the massacre in 1948 uncovered and acknowledged. Perhaps the full facts are still not all known but we know enough. Whatever the pressures of the time, whatever the situation in Korea and in world politics, whatever the fears and insecurities, what happened was not acceptable.
Such acts can never be regarded as acceptable or civilized.
When and where they happen, there needs to be accountability.
When the truth is hidden, it has to be uncovered.
And if there are some who want to suppress the truth and put fictions in its place, it takes pressure and a public campaign to make it possible for the truth to emerge.
That, perhaps, tells you what my theme is today.
Facts matter.
After university, I wanted a job in which I thought I could do some good. That led me to a job in what at the time was a very small Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. And doing that work, I came to see how much facts matter.
Without understanding problems, there is no motivation to address them and no means of identifying how to handle them. Without knowledge there is no understanding. Without facts, there is no knowledge. If we want to change the world for the better, we need to know it and understand it.
That was the reason I became a researcher, seeking to understand the nuclear weapons in order to help in the work of eventually eliminating them.
Over the years, my focus changed as the world changed. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the East-West Cold War ended, disarmament treaties were signed and the number of nuclear warheads in the world got less.
By the mid-1990s, like many people, I had rather left nuclear weapons behind. It was armed conflict in the global South, the Middle East and the peripheries of Europe that now had my attention.
Sadly, as the years went by, the problem of nuclear weapons became bigger again. The pace of nuclear arms reductions slowed and India, Pakistan and North Korea all developed nuclear weapons.
But as the world changed in this and that direction, I continued to believe in the importance of facts, knowledge and understanding as a basis for peaceful progress.
So perhaps it is natural that I was drawn to SIPRI. When it was founded in 1966, its mission was to present sound research to the policy world, so as to improve the prospects for peace and disarmament. What I call SIPRI’s DNA has two strands: to do research that is as accurate as possible; and to improve the prospects for peace.
Both strands express values: on the one hand, respect for the truth, and on the other, respect for human life and dignity.
As SIPRI gained a reputation for accuracy of its data, it developed convening power.
Over the years, SIPRI has held numerous seminars and conferences. These days we have two flagship annual events: the Stockholm Forum on Peace and Development, convened jointly with the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs each May; and the Stockholm Security Conference each November. These two events have gone online in the last two years, each with several thousand participants.
In addition, SIPRI convenes smaller and quieter meetings. Discussions are confidential and off the record. We do not invite public knowledge of them in advance or while they are under way. This discretion helps the participants have the confidence to talk freely, to test out ideas. Some participants are officials but not all – though these others are nonetheless close to the policy world and to different governments.
We do not talk about these meetings much and generally only in vague terms. But the discussions can be important, helping to identify problems and solutions, despite everything else that divides the participants and the parties they represent.
One series of such meetings has concerned the Korean Peninsula. We have convened several and, as opportunity arises when the Covid-19 pandemic is over, we will do so again. We know they made a modest contribution to inter-Korean détente in 2018. We hope there can be a similar contribution in the coming period.

I first became particularly interested in the affairs of the Korean Peninsula almost 30 years ago when I was honoured to meet Kim Dae-jung. It was some time before he became President. He talked then about the Sunshine Policy, long before he had the opportunity to implement it. When I joined SIPRI, this was the first time I was able to make a small contribution to the prospects for peace in this part of the world. It was an immediate priority.
Friends, I would like to talk a little about the bigger picture.
The world is facing a troubling array of security challenges. These include issues that are traditional concerns, like the risk of nuclear war, the international arms trade, disputes and conflicts, and geopolitical confrontation.
Additional issues came into focus for many observers in the 1990s, such as intrastate wars and armed violence in which no state actors are involved.
Other security challenges, such as cyber vulnerabilities, the impacts of climate change and the consequences of pandemics, are largely new in this century. Taken individually, these challenges are complex and difficult to respond to. Taken together, as they interact with other features of the social, economic and political landscape, they are even more worrisome.
A security policy that is fit for purpose in the current age encompasses many tasks. It must look after the security both of the state and of communities and people in their daily lives – state security and human security at the same time.
It has to address challenges from a wide variety of sources.
It must manage and reduce the risks that arise from interstate rivalries, and from deficiencies of governance and of leadership both in national governments and in international agencies.
It must also include responses to the pressures created by the environmental crisis of today and not least the challenge of climate change. This already generates insecurity, instability and conflict. The impact of climate change will affect our lives, our societies, our economic possibilities and our politics for at least five decades to come, even if greenhouse gas emissions are sharply reduced and global warming slows down.
In addition, security policy today has to handle pressures arising from globalization and growing global connectivity, from socio-economic inequalities, from changes in land use due to population growth and economic development.

These processes – the political, the natural, the social and the economic – interact with each other, with negative consequences for human security and for social and political stability.
In this dangerous world, you in the Korean Peninsula face further issues – confrontation, the lack of a peace settlement almost 70 years after the war ended, the strategic and geopolitical sensitivities of the region.
If the global environment were more secure, it would be easier to make progress towards sustainable peace in the Korean Peninsula. Yet progress towards a sustainable peace could contribute to better international relations.
Even a measure as straightforward as an End of War Declaration would help. It would be a relatively limited measure, a step beyond the Armistice but not yet a Peace Settlement with all that entails. In current circumstances, it is worth assessing as a realistic possibility and a potential breakthrough in world politics.
The security horizon today and looking ahead is complicated, in a way that was perhaps unimaginable back in the 1960s when SIPRI was founded. Yet our mission is still to assemble and analyse the facts, in order to generate ideas for how to arrive at a better world. And the mission remains valid.
It also remains true that carrying out that basic mission lets SIPRI convene both big public events and the smaller, quieter activities.
And it is another lasting truth that with knowledge and understanding comes the motivation to challenge and to seek change and progress. Our greatest hope lies in well informed public movements for environmental responsibility and peaceful change.
With that, I would like to thank the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation for this wonderful honour you have bestowed upon me. Thank you very much.

2021.  11. 30.

Dan Smith

 

 

 

1. The meaning of ‘Act in Japan’
Allow me to express my sincere appreciation for the ‘Jeju 4·3 Peace Special Prize Award’.
The fact that this is the first time a ‘group’has won this award makes me feel a sense of both delight and responsibility, and it gives me a lot to think about.
I first visited Jeju Island in 2008 to participate in the propitiation ritual to soothe the victims’spirits held on the 60th anniversary of the Jeju 4·3 Incident. I arrived at Jeju International Airport with 47 people including Yutaka Umisedo and Chidori Narayi. Unlike the others in our party, Umisedo and Narayi left the airport in a hurry. I later heard that they had participated in the propitiation ritual, having attended the celebration held at the alcohol factory site on the eve of the Jeju 4·3 Incident. I think it was this first step that they took in Jeju, as they headed to the propitiation ritual held at the alcohol factory, that determined the destiny of the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’.
If people take part in the propitiation ritual only once, the meaning behind the ritual will soon be forgotten. Out of the thought that we should participate in the ritual every year so as to learn from the ‘Jeju 4·3 Incident’, several people, led mainly by participants in the ritual, created the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’. We also wanted to make the association ‘a gathering that acts’since it is important to practice what one learns. If all one does is think and learn without putting that knowledge into action, they will reach a standstill and fail to make further progress. Bearing this in mind, we held 4 rounds of the ‘Okinawa Gathering Thinking about the Jeju 4·3 Incident’in Okinawa in 2008, 2009, 2011 and 2012.
“Destiny seems to reveal itself in our encounters with other people. Those on journeys headed in the same direction are destined to be connected.”(Remarks by poet Kim Si-jong)
We have the chance to meet Jeju musician Ahn Bok-ja once again in Okinawa, having already met her in Jeju in April. In 2009, Ms. Ahn Bok-ja sang ‘Arirang’on Arirang Hill on Aka Island, which later led to the 2010 ‘Aka Island Peace Festival’. We also had poet Kim Si-jong give a lecture at the ‘Okinawa Gathering’in 2011. His story of his ‘Jeju 4·3’experience was a decisive factor for us. While attending his lecture, the song ‘Arirang’and the scene from that April day filled our minds. For the first time, we truly got a sense of the Jeju 4·3 Incident. Poet Kim Si-jong also attended the ‘Propitiation Ritual for Korean Wartime Sexual Slaves’held on Aka Island in 2012, which then led us to host a propitiation ritual in Tsushima.
Although we said that we acted in Japan, we felt there was something lacking since ours was just a ‘thinking group’. We continuously endeavored to explore what else needed to be done outside of the work we had been doing up until that point. One day, around the end of 2013, poet Kim Si-jong abruptly said, “I want to organize a propitiation ritual on Tsushima Island.”I could not understand what he meant since I thought that a propitiation ritual was something held only by bereaved family members. Without thinking, I asked, “Who will be hosting it?”He replied, “You’re the expert in propitiation rituals, aren’t you?”This is the story behind our decision to host a propitiation ritual for the Jeju 4·3 Incident in Tsushima. At long last, we came to learn the meaning of ‘Act in Japan’.
2. Challenges for the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’
We can see the direction of the actions taken in Japan, starting from the propitiation ritual held at the alcohol factory site on Jeju Island in 2008 to the ‘1st Tsushima and Jeju Propitiation Ritual for the 4·3 Incident’s Victims’held in 2014. This was made possible thanks to the meeting held between Mr. Simai and Mr. Eto
The challenge of the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’is to not only continue but to expand the ‘Propitiation Ritual for the 4·3 Incident’s Victims’, which connects Tsushima and Jeju. To this end, the ritual must go beyond the frame of the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’and seek to connect people while transcending national boundaries. The ‘Tsushima and Jeju Propitiation Ritual’has been created and fostered by the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’. From now on, I think the challenge for the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’is to transcend itself and keep moving forward.
On the occasion of winning the ‘Jeju 4·3 Peace Special Prize Award’, in place of offering my words of appreciation, I would like to look back on what the ‘Jeju 4·3 Hallasan Society’has done so far and articulate the future direction and plans of the association.

2021. 11. 30.

Advisor Isamu Nagata (長田勇)


01/18/2022 issue

Publicizing the value found in the marginal areas of Jeju 4·3

Mun Gyong-su

Mun Gyong-su (aged 71) is a professor emeritus at Ritsumeikan University who was born in 1950 in Mikawashima of Arakawa, a special ward located in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area of Japan. As a second-generation Zainichi Korean — Zainichi Koreans are ethnic Koreans residing in Japan who emigrated from Korea around the Japanese colonial period or who are their descendants — the scholar has made a strenuous effort to reveal the truth of Jeju 4·3 and restore the honor of the victims and their family members. Together with novelists Kim Sok-pom, Hyun Kwang-su, and Kim Min-ju, Mun founded the Association of Korean Residents in Japan Remembering Jeju 4·3 in 1987 in Japan, and the following year, that group of people led the hosting of the Memorial Lecture Commemorating the 40th Anniversary of Jeju 4·3, which was the first Jeju 4·3-related event held in Tokyo. Mun later served as the chairman of the Tokyo and Osaka branches of the association, and was involved in the various memorial projects in both regions. In recognition of his contributions to commemorating and publicizing the Jeju 4·3 issues in Japan, he was awarded the Special Achievement Prize (For Overseas Activities) by the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation in 2018, on the 70th anniversary of Jeju 4·3. In November 2021, the South Korean government selected Mun as the winner of the Dongbaek [Camellia] Medal, the third class of the nation’s Order of Civil Merit, marking the 15th World Korean Day. We interviewed Mun, wondering what he thought about the time he had spent with other Zainichi Koreans, who share the same identity with him and are called the “Jeju diaspora” and “marginal people” due to Jeju 4·3. — Editor

Mun poses for a commemorative photo in November 2021 after receiving the Camellia Medal (Order of Civil Merit) during the World Korean Day event.

This year, on the 15th World Korean Day, you were selected as a recipient of a government award for merit and received the Camellia Medal, a National Order of Merit. Congratulations. I would like to hear your impressions.

It is my great honor and I sincerely thank those others who have also engaged in various activities and research, including the Jeju 4·3 movement. Last year, the same award was presented to Oh Kwang-hyeon, chairman of the Japan Association of the Bereaved Families of Jeju 4·3 Victims, who has worked with me for the Jeju 4·3 movement in Osaka. It is a thing to be grateful for that the South Korean government gives recognition to the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan. However, thinking about the past when we maintained a tense relationship with the Korean government because we were involved in the Jeju 4·3 movement, I am also amazed at how much things have changed.

I grew up in the Jeju community in Tokyo and was educated at the “Chosen Gakko,” an institution affiliated with the so-called Chongryon [the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan]. My longing for Jeju as my hometown is much greater than my sense of belonging to South Korea. At the medal award ceremony hosted by the Consulate General of South Korea in Osaka, I didn’t express my loyalty to the country. Rather, I said that I would strive to believe in the ideology and value of democracy engraved in the country’s Constitution.

The latest award is regarded as the result of evaluation and recognition of the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan. What has Jeju 4·3 meant to Japanese society, especially to Zainichi Koreans?

On Aug. 15, 1945, an innumerable number of Jeju-born Koreans experienced national liberation from Japan while staying in Japan. Many of those who returned to their homeland migrated again to Osaka or other regions in Japan during the period of extreme chaos around Jeju 4·3. After World War II, the General Headquarters of the Allied Powers in Japan strictly prohibited the re-entry of Koreans who had returned to Korea. So, during this period, Koreans migrating to Japan had no choice but to do so by means of “stowing away” on boats.

I estimate that the number of Koreans who settled in Japan after national liberation reached around 0.6 million, of which 80,000 were from Jeju, with 10,000-20,000 of those being Jeju locals who had arrived via boat due to Jeju 4·3. Including the stowaways and their family members and acquaintances, the Jeju people residing in Japan at the time were related to Jeju 4·3 to some extent.

However, Japan had a strong atmosphere of treating Jeju 4·3 as a taboo topic which was almost equal to that in South Korea. As is well known, there are two groups of Koreans in Japan: Chongryon and the Republic of Korean Residents Union in Japan, or Mindan. Not only Mindan, which supports the South Korean government, but also the pro-North Korean Chongryon tended to be reluctant to mention Jeju 4·3 until the 1970s. Perhaps it was because the perception that the 1948 uprising was led by the South Korean Labor Party (SKLP) was intertwined with the traditional sense of regional discrimination. There was also the extreme avoidance of anything related to politics, excessive loyalty to power, and thorough obsession with money and property, and more. Now that I think about it, this might have been the expression of the frustration or psychological refraction of those Jeju people who had suffered the infernal Jeju 4·3. In my case as well, I became aware of the Jeju 4·3 issues only after coming across Kim Sok-pom’s novel “The Death of the Crow” and media reports in the 1970s.

Mun gives an acceptance speech in April 2018 for the Special Achievement Prize presented by the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation.

You have led the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan over the past 30 years. Could you briefly introduce the movement?

The Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan started in earnest with the commemorative event in Tokyo, which was held in 1988, on the 40th anniversary of Jeju 4·3. But at the time, I participated in the secretariat only as an assistant. Joining Kyoto Ritsumeikan University in 1994, I began my direct involvement in the Jeju 4·3 movement in Osaka and Tokyo. The most memorable event so far has been the 50th anniversary memorial ceremony in 1998. In Tokyo, novelist Kim Sok-pom, representative Cho Dong-hyun of the Tokyo branch of the Association of Korean Residents in Japan Remembering Jeju 4·3, and CEO Ko I-sam of the Shinkansha publishing house organized various large-scale performances and hosted a guest lecture by Bruce Cumings, a professor at the University of Chicago. The Osaka members, including late former chairman Kang Shil of the association and chairman Oh Kwang-hyeon of the Japan Association of the Bereaved Families of Jeju 4·3 Victims, invited Kim Yun-su, a Jeju shimbang [shaman] designated as a Korean human cultural asset, and held the Haewonsangsaeng Gut [a spiritual ritual ceremony] to appease the souls of the Jeju 4·3 victims. The Tokyo event contributed greatly to publicizing the Jeju 4·3 issues in Japan, and the Osaka memorial ceremony provided an opportunity for the first-generation descendants of Jeju-born migrants and the generation who had experienced Jeju 4·3 to collectively lead the Jeju 4·3 movement.

Other memorable events include the 56th and the 60th anniversary events. The former was jointly held by the Tokyo and Osaka Steering Committees, while a group of 200 people visited Jeju for the latter event. Particularly, the 56th anniversary event of 2004 was attended by the executives from the Mindan and the Chongryon, although the individual participants did not represent the groups. This created momentum for inter-Korean reconciliation through Jeju 4·3 to emerge as a major issue in the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan. And in 2018, on the 70th anniversary, we erected the Memorial Monument for the Jeju 4·3 Victims at the Tokokuji Buddhist Temple in Osaka.

The Memorial Lecture Commemorating the 40th Anniversary of Jeju 4·3 is held in Tokyo in 1988.

How would you evaluate the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan?

In 2002, the Jeju 4·3 Committee under the South Korean government decided to exclude the heads of the “armed resistance forces” (leaders of the April 3 uprising) and the heads of the SKLP (leaders of the resistance movement following the uprising) from the category to be recognized as Jeju 4·3 victims. Those who had arrived via boat as stowaways from Jeju to Japan included a considerable number of people who were involved in the “resistance leadership”, and most of them have lived in Japan as members of Chongryon-affiliated (pro-North Korean) circles. The criteria for recognition of Jeju 4·3 victims determined by the Jeju 4·3 Committee is a denial of these people, and it goes against the spirit of inter-Korean reconciliation. From this perspective, we have led the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan, where those from the “South” and from the “North” share the same living space, under the slogan of “restoration of honor to all Jeju 4·3 victims”. It is true that the Jeju 4·3 movement contributed greatly to publicizing the Jeju 4·3 issues in Japan. Now, not only the Zainichi Korean society but also the Japanese civil society says that “If you don’t know about Jeju 4·3, you cannot describe Korean history or society.” In Osaka, the third and fourth-generation Zainichi Koreans hold an ongoing learning session on the topic of Jeju 4·3, together with young Japanese people. While the existing national movements led by the Chongryon and the Mindan have lost their strength, the Jeju 4·3 movement is supported as a “movement to achieve historical justice”.

However, it is also true that in some cases, discrimination against Zainichi Koreans based on hatred of Korea or racism has intensified due to the influence of historical revisionism that has emerged in the Japanese society since the late 1990s. Regarding Jeju 4·3, we still see the activities of spreading false perceptions on social media that it is an “incident that showcases the cruelty of Koreans” or that “all Zainichi Koreans are descendants of illegal stowaways.”

While engaging in the Jeju 4·3 movement, you have conducted various research and writing activities on Jeju 4·3 at your university. Could you tell us about your Jeju 4·3 research?

As a social sciences major in college, I came across many books by J. Habermas and H. Arendt. Naturally, I came to think of Jeju 4·3 in the framework of “civil society” and “arenas of public debate”. For instance, Arendt conceived the “form of ruling” created during the transitional turbulence of political society as a ruling system which is based on nothing other than the people’s impulse to organize themselves. I considered the People’s Committee, which was autonomously organized on Jeju immediately after national liberation, as that system of ruling. On Jeju, such an arena of public debate was destroyed due to Jeju 4·3, and was regenerated after the June democratization movement in the 1980s through voluntary objections and communication from Jeju residents over the Special Act on Jeju-do Development in the early 1990s. This is the main idea of my doctoral dissertation. I am not a nationalist. So, rather than viewing the April 3 armed uprising as a “unification movement”, I put more weight on the aspect of a “self-defensive counterattack against the tyranny of the United States Military Government, which put the police and the right wing at the forefront of suppressing the Jeju communities”.

The posters promote the Memorial Concert Marking the 50th Anniversary of Jeju 4·3 and the Memorial Folk Gut Ceremony Commemorating the 56th Anniversary of Jeju 4·3 in Tokyo.

The Jeju 4·3 Special Act was revised 20 years after its legislation. How would you rate the revised act?

The passage of the amendment to the Jeju 4·3 Special Act is also widely welcomed in Japan. The revised act will include important clauses concerning the collective retrials for the unlawfully convicted victims, the operation of the Jeju 4·3 Trauma Center, and the ensuing investigation of the truth of Jeju 4·3. Above all, it is particularly a welcoming feature that the “special provision of support including consolation money, etc.” will be made as a “compensation” for the damage to the victims.

I have watched the deliberation process of the bill since late in 2017 when Rep. Oh Young-hun proposed the general amendment bill of the Jeju 4·3 Special Act at the National Assembly. What I paid attention to was the clause on the definition of Jeju 4·3 and the provisions that stipulate compensation and indemnification. As is well known, the previous definition of Jeju 4·3 before the revision was mostly confined to the description of the period. However, in the bill proposed in 2017, the definition contains the expression “the resistance of Jeju residents against the suppression by the police and the Northwest Youth League”. This clause, together with the clause on the ensuing investigation of the truth, would pave the road for the redefinition of Jeju 4·3, or the so-called “proper naming” issue. However, the adopted bill on the general revision of Jeju 4·3 revealed that not a single word or expression has changed in the definition of Jeju 4·3 from the existing Jeju 4·3 Special Act. It is very unfortunate.

As for “compensation”, I have heard that the movement is distorted or failed when “compensation” is brought up to resolve the wrongful past issues. But I disagree. Considering the immeasurable damage to Jeju residents due to Jeju 4·3 and the subsequent social discrimination they suffered under the anti-communist regime, such as the false accusation of “rioters” and the system of guilt by association, compensation is considered a justifiable measure. The only issue is who to be recognized as victims or their inheritors who will be subject to compensation.

From my standpoint of engaging in the Jeju 4·3 movement in Japan, I have many questions about whether compensation is limited to the formerly recognized victims that exclude the “leaders of the resistance”. I am also curious about what will happen when a victim’s bereaved family member with “North Korean” or “Japanese” nationality applies for compensation. One thing I find unfortunate about this issue is that according to the announcement by the Ministry of the Interior and Safety made in October 2021, several expert consultations and meetings were held to determine the contents of “compensation”, yet not a single meeting was held in Japan to gather opinions and ideas.

People sit in front of the Memorial Monument for the Jeju 4·3 Victims at the Tokokuji Buddhist Temple, Osaka, for the annual April memorial ceremony.

Lastly, I would like to hear from you about your plans for the future.

Currently, I serve as a member of the Steering Committee for Jeju 4·3 projects in Japan. The Osaka memorial ceremony for the Jeju 4·3 victims has been held at Tokokuji Buddhist Temple since we erected the Memorial Monument for the Jeju 4·3 Victims there in 2018. Starting two years ago due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we hold the on-site memorial event with a limited number of people and instead broadcast the ceremony live online. We are still discussing how to organize the 74th anniversary event. We hold the Steering Committee meeting in person or online about once a month, continuing our regular activities. As I mentioned earlier, the young generation in Japan is affiliated with the Steering Committee, and we regularly hold independent research meetings with 20 to 30 people attending. In addition, we promote a joint editing and writing project in order to publish a book titled “Jeju 4·3 for Adolescents” in 2022.

Up until the 70th anniversary, we carried out various projects in close cooperation with the Jeju-based organizations related to Jeju 4·3, such as the Jeju 4·3 Peace Foundation. However, it is true that the COVID-19 situation has been shrinking our interaction and solidarity. But I recently heard that an association of Jeju 4·3 victims’ families was created in the United States. I expect that when the “with COVID” system is settled, we’ll be able to more actively promote international solidarity centered on Jeju.

Personally, I published a book titled “South Korea in the Moon Jae-in Era: Democracy of Mourning (Japanese: 《文在寅時代の韓国:弔いの民主主義》) in November 2020. The book describes how the absolutely personal emotion of “mourning” became politicized through the medium of diverse and active communication, and provided the driving force for democratization pursuing the eradication of “deep-rooted evils”. It appears that my long experience of being involved in the memorial events for the Jeju 4·3 victims provided the source of my idea of linking mourning and politics. In the coming year, I plan to author a sequel to this book.